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Old 05-06-2018, 12:13 PM
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Default Bill Could Give Any President Power 2 Imprison Citizens in Military Detention forever

New Bipartisan Bill Could Give Any President the Power to Imprison U.S. Citizens in Military Detention Forever
One of the most outrageous acts of Barack Obama’s presidency was his failure to veto the National Defense Authorization Act for fiscal year 2012.
The fiscal year 2012 NDAA included provisions that appeared to both codify and expand a power the executive branch had previously claimed to possess — namely, the power to hold individuals, including U.S. citizens, in military detention indefinitely — based on the Authorization to Use Military Force passed by Congress three days after 9/11.
The New York Times warned that the bill could “give future presidents the authority to throw American citizens into prison for life without charges or a trial.” Not surprisingly, Obama’s decision generated enormous outcry across the political spectrum, from Rep. Ron Paul, R-Texas, on the right to Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., on the left.
However, the NDAA did provide some weak restraints on the executive branch’s ability to use this power. In theory, the NDAA’s provisions only apply to someone involved with the 9/11 attacks or who “substantially supported al-Qaeda, the Taliban, or associated forces.”
But now, incredibly enough, a bipartisan group of six lawmakers, led by Sens. Bob Corker, R-Tenn., and Tim Kaine, D-Va., is proposing a new AUMF that would greatly expand who the president can place in indefinite military detention, all in the name of restricting presidential power. If the Corker-Kaine bill becomes law as currently written, any president, including Donald Trump, could plausibly claim extraordinarily broad power to order the military to imprison any U.S. citizen, captured in America or not, and hold them without charges essentially forever.

Even opponents of the bill do not believe this is the goal of Corker, Kaine et al. “I think they’re acting in good faith,” says Elizabeth Goitein, co-director of the Liberty & National Security Program at the Brennan Center at New York University Law School. Kaine himself has explained that they authored the bill because “for too long, Congress has given presidents a blank check. We’ve let the 9/11 and Iraq War authorizations get stretched. … Our proposal finally repeals those authorizations and makes Congress do its job by weighing in on where, when, and with who we are at war.”

But thanks to a combination of sloppy drafting and clear reluctance to take the executive branch head-on, Corker and Kaine’s proposed AUMF could do the opposite, handing genuinely tyrannical powers over to the president. Christopher Anders of the ACLU characterizes the bill as “a legislative dumpster fire.”
“There’s such a desire to put Congress back in the game,” says Goitein. The perspective of the new AUMF’s authors, she believes, seems to be “we have to do something. This is something. Therefore, we have to do this.”
Understanding the terrible potential consequences of this bill requires a close look at the relevant history and law.......
history recounted of sad congressional give aways an insanity , presidential assumptions and "promises" and court action and inaction.
....That brings us to the present day and the proposed new AUMF from Corker and Kaine.
There are often small, banal bits of legislative housekeeping tucked away at the end of bills. The ACLU’s Christopher Anders points out that this appears to be the case with the new AUMF too – unless you read this section very carefully:
This language means that if the Corker-Kaine AUMF becomes law, the NDAA will be amended to read:
Congress affirms that the authority of the President to use all necessary and appropriate force pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (Public Law 107–40; 50 U.S.C. 1541 note) and the Authorization for Use of Military Force of 2018 [i.e., the Corker-Kaine AUMF].
This matters because the Corker-Kaine AUMF allows the president to decide that he has the power to use force against any “organization, person, or force” essentially at will, by designating them as associated with previously named enemy groups.
Here’s how it works: The Corker-Kaine AUMF codifies an expanded list of entities against whom the president is authorized to use force. They are “the Taliban, al Qaeda, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, and designated associated forces.” The associated forces designated by the bill are Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula; Shabab; Al Qaeda in Syria; the Haqqani Network; and Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb.
Then when the bill is passed, the president is invited to designate additional “associated forces” to the list. And going forward, the president can add more at any time. All he needs to do is inform “the appropriate congressional committees and leadership” that he’s doing so.
It’s true that the new AUMF would be a small step forward for clarity, since, until now, presidents have decided that groups scattered across the planet were associated forces of Al Qaeda, etc., without necessarily letting Congress know. It’s also true that the Corker-Kaine bill attempts to make it easier than it would normally be for members of Congress to force a vote on such presidential designations. But it would not require such a vote, and in any case, Congress would almost certainly need a two-thirds supermajority in both houses to override a presidential veto and reject a designate — so in practice, it would be near impossible. Thus, the AUMF essentially turns Congress’s constitutional war-making power on its head: Now the president would decide where to go to war, and it would be up to Congress to stop him.

The dangerous flexibility this would grant the executive branch is clear. The new AUMF forbids a president from designating a “sovereign nation” as an associated force of Al Qaeda, the Taliban, or ISIS. But could he, for instance, designate Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps? Questioned by email, Kaine’s office stated this would not be possible because they are part of the military of a sovereign nation. But there’s no clear language in the AUMF to prevent it. Moreover, the Trump administration has already flirted with designating the IRGC specifically as a terrorist organization — even though Iran overall has been a designated state sponsor of terrorism since 1984 — and the U.S. has previously claimed the IRGC has associations with Al Qaeda. It’s easy to imagine Trump deciding the Corker-Kaine AUMF authorized him to attack the IRGC, thus inevitably starting a wider war with Iran (or Syria).
Then from the perspective of U.S. citizens, there’s an even more alarming prospect. As the ACLU’s Anders points out, there’s nothing in the Corker-Kaine AUMF that prevents a president from naming an American organization or individual to the list.
And where the executive branch has the power to use force, three presidents have now either proclaimed, or at least refused to disavow, that they also have the power to use the military to indefinitely detain U.S. citizens without charges.
Kaine’s office protests that the new AUMF would encourage congressional debate about the president’s detention authorities. But it’s difficult to imagine this happening in any significant way, given the fact that it’s taken Congress 17 years to get around even to considering the problems with the 2001 AUMF.

So that’s the extraordinary peril that Americans would face under the Corker-Kaine AUMF. It was bad enough with the 2001 AUMF, when U.S. citizens could be imprisoned forever if they had some connection to 9/11. The NDAA made it worse by expanding this to any connection to Al Qaeda, the Taliban, and “associated forces.” But the Corker-Kaine AUMF would give the president the power to seize anyone on earth, including Americans, just by sending a piece of paper to Congress asserting that a person or organization is associated with an already-named terrorist group. And like the 2001 AUMF and the NDAA before it, the Corker-Kaine AUMF does not prohibit the executive branch from using the military to apprehend and detain Americans in the U.S. itself.
Worst of all, the Corker-Kaine AUMF, like the one passed in 2001, has no sunset clause. If passed, repealing it would likely require supermajorities in both houses of Congress, so it could outlive all of us. The executive branch would potentially be able to hold prisoners without charge forever.
Both Corker and Kaine appear eager to bring their bill to a vote in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which Corker chairs. But no full hearings have been scheduled to examine the AUMF’s meaning in detail, and Corker has so far declined to commit to any. “There has been so much preparatory work done on this,” he cheerily declared in April. “I think people understand the implications.”
https://theintercept.com/2018/05/01/...umf-detention/
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Last edited by mr wonder; 05-06-2018 at 12:22 PM..
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Old 05-07-2018, 02:21 PM
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Default Re: Bill Could Give Any President Power 2 Imprison Citizens in Military Detention for

Does this mean that Hillary, Comey, Mueller, Strzok, Rosenstein and Page finally get thrown into the slammer?
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Old 05-09-2018, 10:09 AM
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Default Re: Bill Could Give Any President Power 2 Imprison Citizens in Military Detention for

No citizen should be held indefinitely without a trial. Hopefully our elected officials have enough sense to squash this bill. Also one day democrats will be in control again and they won't like it when a democrat president is throwing people in prison without a trial.
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Old 05-09-2018, 11:06 AM
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Default Re: Bill Could Give Any President Power 2 Imprison Citizens in Military Detention for

Quote:
Originally Posted by jamesrage View Post
No citizen should be held indefinitely without a trial. Hopefully our elected officials have enough sense to squash this bill. Also one day democrats will be in control again and they won't like it when a democrat president is throwing people in prison without a trial.
Holding citizens without a right to a speedy trial is a violation of the Constitution. The law should never fly. Which does not mean it can't or won't.
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